The alleged misuse of spiritual and supernatural powers in South Sudan can lead to youth violence against the accused individuals and their families, as well as their displacement, with related implications for their protection and return to their homes. In this blog, Ranga Gworo explores why this is happening and provides some conflict sensitivity considerations for aid agencies working on protection and return.

In September 2021, a young man belonging to a Monyomiji[1] – a ruling youth group or age-set – addressed an audience of about a hundred people at a community meeting.[2] After delivering a lengthy speech on peaceful co-existence, he concluded by urging his fellow Monyomiji members, especially those in rural areas, to stop “chasing” people accused of witchcraft and other spiritual or social “misconduct” away from their villages. He warned, “If this [violent] practice does not stop, the population of those who escape from rural to urban areas, including Juba, will become large.”

Youth violence and the consequential displacement of individuals or families accused of misusing supernatural powers is a serious problem in some parts of South Sudan, especially in Eastern Equatoria State. Although the scale of this type of violence is unknown, there has – anecdotally – been a steady increase in recent years.[3] The rise of this phenomenon is supposedly partly grounded in deteriorating livelihood conditions linked to food insecurity, drought and flooding, which are often blamed on those who allegedly have supernatural powers. Without thoroughly understanding why individuals or families have fled their rural communities to live in camps for refugees and internally displaced people (IDPs), aid agencies working with refugees and IDPs may unknowingly put them at risk. They can do this by either ignoring the refugees’ and IDPs’ plights and unintentionally leaving them to endure continued threats under their watch in the camps, or by supporting the return to their places of origin without being aware of the potential threat they may face there.

In South Sudan, spiritual beliefs constitute an important social, economic and spiritual phenomenon. Allegations of the misuse of spiritual powers often lead to social stigma of the accused individuals and families. As a result, there is widespread fear over such allegations and their consequences. In Eastern Equatoria, especially in rural settings, people still believe in the supernatural powers of some spiritual leaders – such as rainmakers, spear masters and leopard-skin chiefs – whose roles include controlling rain and fertility, eradicating pests and diseases, and protecting land and people. While some of these spiritual activities are regarded as vital for the welfare and protection of a community, their violations are not. ‘Ordinary’ people who do not have supernatural powers can also be accused of misuse, if they are seen to be either working through spiritual leaders or conducting rituals on their own.

Despite the existence of formal and informal justice systems in South Sudan, accusations of supernatural practices or violations are typically not addressed in such systems; they lie outside these systems’ jurisdiction[4] and cannot be resolved through restorative justice.[5] This is because these accusations are difficult to substantiate in courts. As such, the handling of alleged supernatural crimes often falls to young people, including those from the ruling age-set – a powerful youth group tasked with the responsibility of protecting their communities from harm.[6] The group often resorts to violence, including beating and lynching of the accused.[7] For those who survive this violence, there is often just one option: to escape. In search of safety, they flee to urban areas or to refugee and IDP camps. However, some fleeing victims can still face threats in their new home or in the camps. Threats often extends to victims’ relatives and family members as they are forced to account for the alleged crimes. These threats force some relatives to live in fear or under a shadow of shame, or to flee altogether. This violence therefore presents a challenge to protection and return processes.

One type of alleged misuse of spiritual and supernatural powers that can cause young people to react violently is the failure of a ‘rainmaker’ to bring about rain. Too little or no rain is often seen as the fault of the ‘rainmaker’[8] – if there is no rain, people often assume that the rainmaker has revoked his/her spiritual or supernatural power. Young people may then take matters into their own hands by holding the accused to account. For example, in July 2021, a 43-year-old rainmaker was killed after he had failed to produce rain in Lafon County, Eastern Equatoria State.[9] Another rainmaker was lynched by youth in September 2022 in Ikotos County, also in Eastern Equatoria State, for the same reason.[10]

A second type of alleged misuse of these powers is related to accusations of witchcraft and poisoning practices. This typically involves spiritual practices that are believed to negatively impact an individual and which can lead to illness, injury or even the death of a victim. In September 2022, the death of a person from unknown causes in an IDP camp in Juba sparked rumours of witchcraft. One prominent youth member linked the death to IDP camp residents, especially descendants from ‘witch families’ who had fled their village over witchcraft allegations.[11]

A third type of alleged misuse of spiritual and supernatural powers are curses that are said to harm another person or a group of people. In some communities, these curses are associated with elderly people who may utter a curse against another person, especially on their sick bed. Some people believe that such curses have the spiritual power to cause harm. Anyone accused of expressing negative statements such as these faces the risk of being threatened and even punished[12] on the ground that they might cause harm and endanger the welfare of the community.

The consequences of violence

These examples clearly illustrate how accusations of possessing and misusing supernatural powers can pose serious threats to individuals and their families. Some of the consequences of this practice are:

Firstly, it can cause harm to the physical and mental well-being of the accused individuals and families. Even if the accused survive any initial attack, the threat of violence is likely to force them to move away from their residence in shame and trauma. As a result of moving away and because of social stigma, they are likely to lose their social networks – a vital source for social, economic and physical security, particularly in times of crises (including displacement).

Secondly, such accusations create a long-term rift between communities (including youth) and the accused individuals and their relatives. As there is often limited evidence to back witchcraft accusations, people are often caught up in a cycle of seemingly endless arguments on who is right or wrong.

Thirdly, the violence following such accusations undermines good governance efforts and the rule of law. By taking matters into their own hands, particularly in the absence of fair and transparent trials, young people violate existing national and human rights laws. Fourthly, it entrenches concerns about insecurity and displacement in the minds of victims, with some still living in fear even when they are away from home and among fellow refugees and IDPs, or they are too fearful to return to their communities. Even individuals and families who are so far unaffected by such accusations might be fearful that they could become the next target. This fear can stand in the way of protection and return processes. It makes it difficult to provide protection to refugees and IDPs if they face threats within the camp itself, and it obstructs the return of some individuals and families to their places of origin.

Conflict sensitivity considerations

A conflict-sensitive response to youth-related violence regarding alleged misuse of supernatural powers requires aid agencies to consider a variety of factors, including the reason for displacement as well as the location where affected individuals flee to.

Conflict sensitivity considerations within communities:

• Aid agencies should acknowledge the influence of supernatural beliefs in South Sudan’s society and understand how this can be a safety and security concern. They should also acknowledge that accusations of misuse of supernatural powers such as witchcraft, failure to bring rain and curses may be a contributing factor to displacement and an obstacle to protection and return processes.

• Aid agencies should work with communities to find ways to address these accusations and the underlying or resulting conflicts amicably, without resorting to violence. This can include finding ways to mitigate fears related to such superstitions through working with religious groups or finding existing local solutions, such as cleansing and invocations to address these crimes without violence.

• Aid agencies should deepen their understanding of little known community security risks and concerns, including witchcraft fears. These insights will allow agencies to provide more meaningful protection to those under threat in their homes. Such insights can also help mitigate or address witchcraft accusations before they lead to loss of lives, serious injuries and displacement.

• Aid agencies should promote peaceful co-existence and harmony between young people and the rest of the community. Specifically, aid agencies should find ways to strengthen existing local mechanisms for conflict resolution, in line with existing national and human rights laws.

Conflict sensitivity considerations within refugee and IDP settlements:

• Aid agencies should carefully investigate the reasons behind people’s flight from their places of origin. There is a tendency to over-attribute displacement to major events such as conflict or flooding. Those who are unaffected by overarching disasters might have different motives that are best known to themselves and their community members; agencies therefore need to engage with the affected individuals and families. Unless aid agencies conduct assessments that specifically consider accusations of misuse of supernatural powers – assessments that are based on adequate and adapted methodologies, such as active listening, storytelling and trauma-informed interviews – some refugees and IDPs might not be willing to talk about such sensitive topics.

• Aid agencies should examine and sensitise existing local justice mechanisms within refugee and IDP camps in relation to witchcraft practices. Agencies should discourage threats of lynching or mob violence in refugee and IDP camps as these threats violate national and international human rights laws and undermine the role of the policy in providing justice.

• Aid agencies working in refugee and IDP camps should identify and support refugees and IDPs who might have escaped from camps to live in isolation or on the streets and empty spaces such as graveyards, due to physical or psychological harm or threats inflicted on them by their fellow refugee/IDP community because of accusations of misuse of supernatural powers. Without this support, they might resort to anti-social behaviours such as theft or prostitution to make a living for their families and children – livelihood practices that can be a threat to the public in the long term as well as the source of physical and psychological harm to their families and children too.

• Aid agencies working on returns should thoroughly assess individuals’ willingness to return. As some of these refugees and IDPs are ‘condemned’ to live away from their villages, they might not be willing or feel safe returning to their places of origin. If they are fearful of returning, aid agencies could support them to find ways to mediate with their community back home – including with young people – to coordinate a peaceful return, and seek guarantee that the returnees would not be harmed in any way again. Another option could be for aid agencies to provide safe places to relocate and resettle those who are reluctant to return to communities because of security concerns.

As illustrated by the speech on the Monyomiji above, youth violence on the misuse of supernatural powers is a serious problem. Given that their beneficiaries include victims of this violence, aid agencies working on protection and return need to listen and consider similar stories. Addressing all root causes of violence and displacement is critical for conflict-sensitive protection and return processes.

Notes:

[1] Monyomiji refers to groups of youth who govern and protect a community. This youth governance system is  common in Eastern Equatoria among communities of Lotuko, Lokoya and Pari. Although Monyomiji usually exist in rural areas, these social structures also reach Juba and other towns in South Sudan. See Simone S (1994), ‘Conflict and Power in the Monyomiji systems of South Sudan: Contemporary opposition as a morphogenetic principle of age organisation’.

[2] The identity of the community has been kept anonymous.

[3] No statistics exist on the magnitude of this type of violence.

[4] Cherry L (2020), ‘ Local Justice in Southern Sudan.’

[5] Ibid.

[6] Saferworld (2020), ‘Informal Armies: Community Defence Group in South Sudan’s Civil war’.

[7] Cherry L et al. (2021), ‘Geographies of unease: Witchcraft and boundary construction in an African borderland’.

[8] The term rainmaker refers to a person who is believed to have supernatural/spiritual power to bring rain. This rain-making practice is common among communities in Eastern Equatoria State.

[9] Radio Tamazuj (2022), ‘Rainmaker buried alive in Lafon County, E. Equatoria’, 6 July.

[10] Eye Radio (2022), ‘Police to hunt down killers of Ikwoto rainmaker’, 14 September.

[11] Some witchcraft practices are believed to be inherited through a family line but can reportedly be cured through cleansing.

[12] The City Review (2022), ‘Magwi “rainmakers” given 4-day ultimatum to end drought or face consequences’, 30 May.